By Sara C. Motta; Mike Cole;
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Extra info for Constructing Twenty-First Century Socialism in Latin America: The Role of Radical Education
They embrace an ethos of experimentation that is oriented toward creating practices of revolutionary transformation immanent to everyday praxis of communities in struggle. In this prefigurative popular politics there is enacted a decentering of the hegemonic epistemological logics of patriarchal capitalist coloniality through a dethroning of the prophets who produce marketized monologue and closure of political possibility. Instead pedagogical-political projects of emancipation forge processes of mass intellectuality through the creation of prefigurative epistemologies premised upon the collective construction of multiple readings of the world in which we speak in multiple tongues, rethinking and creating what it means to speak, to write, to theorize, and to construct emancipatory change.
Here war as politics and politics as war are in continuum. The historic bloc of both developmentalism and neoliberalism has comprised political and economic elites (who have had privileged access and relationships with state and political representatives in the making of policy) with the support of the United States. They have developed sophisticated mechanisms, systems, and justifications for relationships with the popular classes. These have been premised upon and articulated through the disarticulation of dissent and the systematic elimination of opposition.
127–148), “passive revolution” is in fact a technique that the bourgeoisie attempts to adopt when its hegemony is weakened. This loss or weakening of hegemony inevitably leads to the introduction of bureaucratic/elitist mechanisms of social reproduction, and to forms of bureaucratic centralism (Gramsci, 1971, p. 189). This is characterized by limitations in democratic mass participation (Gramsci, 1971, pp. 59–60; Showstack Sassoon, 1982, pp. 127–128). Conversely, for Gramsci, the most stable reproduction of capitalism is hegemonic as it is premised on the construction of consent within the subaltern in which the particular interest of capitalists become represented and internalized as a universal interest.